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Uganda’s journey to a brighter future depends on strong local governments. Last month, the Ministry of Local Government launched its 2026–2030 Strategic Plan—a UGX 2.2 trillion roadmap to improve service delivery, revenue collection, and decentralization. This plan is a serious call for change. At Watchdog Uganda, we believe the key to success lies in the Local Government Management of Service Delivery (LGMSD) Performance Assessments. These reports clearly show what is working and what needs fixing, helping the country move toward the National Development Plan IV and the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030.

Think of LGMSD as a report card for districts and municipalities. It measures how well they handle planning, budgeting, education, health, water, sanitation, and other services. By acting on this information, Uganda can deliver better schools, healthier communities, and stronger local economies—for farmers in villages and business owners in towns alike.

What the Latest LGMSD Report Shows

The 2024 LGMSD National Synthesis Report, which covers 176 local governments, highlights real progress alongside areas that still need attention. Average performance has improved over time, especially in education and health.

Education Services: Isingiro and Ibanda districts both scored 96, reflecting strong school infrastructure and improved teacher oversight.

Health Services: Kamwenge District led with a score of 95, supported by improvements in facility management and staffing.

Infrastructure Assets: Bukedea District topped the category with 96, demonstrating effective use of grants for roads and public buildings.

At the same time, challenges remain in water, sanitation, and production services. Many local leaders still require better training and technical support to address these gaps. These numbers are not just statistics—they affect people’s daily lives, from access to clean water to reliable healthcare.

Celebrating Success: Top Performers Setting the Standard

Some districts are showing the rest of the country what is possible. The top 10 performers in 2024 demonstrate the power of good planning and community involvement:

* Kiruhura District: 95.25 – Strong performance in budgeting and infrastructure management.
* Isingiro District: 94.72 – Excellent results in education and health services.
* Ibanda District: 94.65 – Consistent progress across multiple sectors.
* Kabale District: 93.93
* Kamwenge District: 93.37
* Rukungiri Municipal Council: 92.38
* Bukedea District: 90.67
* Rukungiri District: 88.68
* Kumi District: 86.55
* Kasese District: 85.92

These districts often use performance-based grants wisely and involve residents in mobilizing local revenue. For ordinary Ugandans, this translates into better roads, improved schools, and functioning health facilities. For policymakers, it proves that incentives and effective management can deliver tangible results.

Facing the Gaps: Where Urgent Improvement Is Needed

Not every area is performing well. The lowest-ranked local governments face serious challenges such as procurement delays, weak planning systems, and staffing shortages.

* Kamuli Municipal Council: 24.00
* Kibuku District: 27.88
* Tororo Municipal Council: 29.75
* Bugweri District: 30.20
* Butebo District: 31.80
* Luuka District: 31.92
* Kaliro District: 32.90
* Sironko District: 34.68
* Iganga Municipal Council: 35.63
* Masaka District: 36.12

These low scores threaten Uganda’s development targets, including equal access to basic services. However, they are not permanent setbacks. Practical solutions such as stronger monitoring systems, leadership training, and partnerships with development organizations have already helped better-performing districts improve.

Linking LGMSD to the 2030 Vision

The Ministry’s new strategic plan aligns closely with the LGMSD findings. It prioritizes revenue mobilization, leadership training, and addressing gaps in water and production services. By linking assessment results to grant allocations, government can create a cycle of improvement: stronger performance leads to increased support, which in turn enables better service delivery.

Imagine a Uganda where every district performs at its best—where households access clean water, schools are properly equipped, and health centres operate efficiently. This vision supports the National Development Plan IV’s goals of sustainable growth and resilience in the face of challenges such as climate change.

Time for Action: What Must Happen Now

Watchdog Uganda believes the following steps are necessary to accelerate progress:

* Strengthen leadership capacity: Provide structured training and continuous mentorship for local government officials.
* Improve transparency: Introduce digital systems that allow real-time monitoring of local government performance.
* Reward strong performance: Expand performance-based funding and encourage peer learning among districts.
* Empower citizens: Encourage community participation in monitoring projects and holding leaders accountable.

The era of uneven development must end. With the LGMSD framework as a guide and the Ministry’s strategic plan as the roadmap, Uganda has an opportunity to strengthen local governance and improve service delivery across the country.

Watchdog Uganda will continue to advocate for accountability, transparency, and practical solutions. The country’s future begins at the district level—and the time to act is now.

—

Mike Ssegawa is a veteran journalist, service delivery advocate, and Deputy Resident District Commissioner for Kassanda District.

Email: [kampalaplanet@gmail.com]

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The two-year grace period for repayment of the Parish Development Model (PDM) loans expires in March 2026 with individuals subscribing to different PDM SACCOs expected to make repayments within the next one year.

This revelation was made by the State Minister for Luwero Triangle and National Coordinator for the PDM, Hon. Dennis Galabuzi while appearing before the Public Accounts Committee (Central Government) on Tuesday, 03 March 2026.

“The first batch of money was disbursed in the financial year 2022/2023 because in 2021/2022, there were issues with the money so we more or less discounted it. We are currently reminding parish chiefs and everyone involved in supervision of PDM to sensitise the public on this,” Galabuzi said.

His comments followed concerns by Members of Parliament about the manner in which the public interpreted the purpose of the funds under the programme.

Galabuzi urged MPs to support the ministry in sensitising the public about the operations of the programme and the need to ensure its effectiveness as a revolving fund.
“PDM is a game changer if well implemented. The issue of repayment should be a concerted effort from our side as government and from Members of Parliament who do oversight. If beneficiaries pay back, then others will also benefit,” Galabuzi noted.

Hon. Patrick Nsamba (NUP, Kassanda County North) said many Ugandans who received PDM money construed it as a ‘goodwill bonanza’ that does not require repayment.
“Do you have a communication strategy that will ensure the realignment of the public perception about the loans they took under PDM?  Otherwise, they will be so disappointed that they have to pay back,” Nsamba said.

Kalungu West County MP, Hon. Joseph Ssewungu noted that the biggest challenge in effective implementation of the programme is communication and limited operation of the PDM technical committees.

He cited the Auditor General’s concern that the programme could suffer in coordination, delayed decision-making, and hiccups in monitoring and evaluation.

“During campaigns, the electorate would condemn PDM coordinators that they misused the money because there is no communication and committees are not giving reports. If you correct that, then public perception of the programme can improve,” Ssewungu said.

Hon. Fredrick Angura (NRM, Tororo South County) raised concern about the 127 parishes in the district that have not received funding under PDM.

The Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Local Government, Ben Kumumanya clarified that the parishes have not received funding because they do not have elected leaders at administrative units.

“When you do not have elected leaders, you are not a fully operational parish and have no chairperson for the parish development committees. But the elections for local councils are in the pipeline and we are waiting for funding to execute them,” Kumumanya said.

According to the Auditor General’s report, the communication on guidelines for payment of the Parish Revolving Fund (PRF) is at final draft level and yet to be disseminated.

“I advised the accounting officer to prioritise the roles and responsibilities of the high-level policy committee and the inter-institutional PDM technical committee and ensure proper documentation of resolutions and action points,” reads the Auditor General’s recommendation.

For many artists, a hit song brings fame. For Viboyo, a verse brought four wheels and a reminder that art still has the power to move strangers in ways that statistics cannot measure.

The “Mr DJ” verse, delivered with the smooth confidence that defined Viboyo’s early career, travelled further than he ever imagined. Somewhere out there, a listener didn’t just replay it. They rewarded it.

“I will tell you one thing,” Viboyo recalls, leaning into the memory with disbelief that still hasn’t faded. “I got my first car from the ‘Mr. DJ’ verse. And this was not even a show or anything. Someone just heard my verse and said, ‘Viboyo, you deserve something,’ and they gave me Shs15 million to buy a car. I didn’t even know them. I had never met them.”

For Viboyo, that car was more than transport. It was validation. It was proof that someone, somewhere, was listening deeply enough to invest not just emotionally, but financially.

“You can imagine how magical that is,” he says, still sounding like a man who occasionally checks to confirm it actually happened.

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The Inspector General of Government Lady Justice Naluzze Aisha Batala has issued a stern warning to corrupt public officials saying the Inspectorate will prioritize prosecution as the main weapon in the fight against corruption.

Speaking while marking 100 days in office, Batala said she took charge of the anti-corruption body with a clear mission to strengthen enforcement and deliver results.

“I assumed office fully aware of the responsibility entrusted to me under the constitutional mandate of the Inspectorate of Government. I set out a clear agenda aimed at combating corruption and maladministration in the public sector and strengthening the Inspectorate to be more effective, efficient, responsive and results driven,” she said.

Batala reminded public officials that the Inspectorate has wide powers under the Constitution to investigate corruption and abuse of office.

“The Inspectorate of Government is a quasi judicial institution with powers close to those of the courts including issuing warrants of arrest, search warrants, halting activities and freezing bank accounts or other activities where necessary,” she explained.

The IGG said she has set an ambitious target to boost the prosecution rate of corruption cases.

“I have set a clear target to increase the prosecution rate to at least 70 percent by the end of the financial year 2025/2026. This should be a warning to the public officials out there. If we get you our first action is to ensure that you are prosecuted,” Batala warned.

Batala revealed that the Inspectorate handled 1,516 complaints between July and December 2025, sanctioning 1,151 cases.

“During the period the Inspectorate investigated and concluded 308 corruption cases and 330 Ombudsman matters including 14 high profile corruption cases,” she said.

Addressing questions from journalists about the identities of officials implicated in high-profile and district corruption cases, one of the Inspectorate of Government officials Joram Kagezi said the institution would provide the details.

Kagezi apologized for not presenting the names during the briefing but assured the media that the information exists in the Inspectorate’s records.

“I want to apologize that we did not come with those names, but we have them in our records. There is a process of retrieving and verifying them before they can be released,” he said.

The official however confirmed that several public officials had already been arrested or interdicted in recent enforcement actions.

“We also have people whom we have arrested recently from various districts. As I mentioned earlier, there are district officials in Rubanda and those who have been interdicted from Kalungu District, including the Chief Administrative Officer, the District Engineer, the Chief Finance Officer and a few other senior officers of the district,” the official explained.

The Inspectorate added that the specific details of the cases and names of the officials would be availed once the necessary internal procedures are completed.

“But we do not have the particulars at the moment,” the official said.

In adddition, the anti-corruption watchdog also recovered more than UGX 2 billion stolen from government coffers.

“The Inspectorate recovered UGX 2,021,869,076 in misappropriated funds while UGX 844,122,884 was paid to public officials who had been denied or delayed payment of salaries, gratuity and pensions.” she added

Batala also revealed that surprise inspections at regional referral hospitals uncovered serious service delivery failures.

“These inspections resulted in three arrests and brought to light critical service delivery gaps including overcrowding, non functional health equipment, shortages of essential medicines and allegations of extortion by staff,” she said.

In just two months of enforcement actions, the Inspectorate ordered tough disciplinary measures against several public officers.

“12 public officers have been dismissed from service, four officers including a Chief Administrative Officer were interdicted, three officers were reprimanded and one officer was demoted to a lower rank,” Batala said.

The IGG also disclosed that the Inspectorate has issued 326 recovery orders worth Shs9.9 billion, though only Shs2.4 billion has been paid so far.

Batala has further called on public officials ahead of the upcoming wealth declaration exercise.

“I remind all public officers to prepare to declare their incomes, assets and liabilities from 1st to 30th April 2026. Those who fail to submit their declaration by 30th April 2026 will have their names submitted to the Leadership Code Tribunal for prosecution.”

Batala has also revealed that the Inspectorate is intensifying anti-corruption sensitization programs targeting young people as part of efforts to change public attitudes toward corruption.

Batala said the campaign focuses on mindset change among youth and communities because corruption often begins with values formed at home.

“So we are doing a lot of sensitization, a lot of mind change, mindset change for the youth. Since you say the corruption begins from home. So we are engaging with the youth and we are doing a lot with the sensitization in the communities,” Batala said.

She also addressed concerns about whether women face barriers when accessing justice at the Inspectorate, insisting that the institution treats all complainants equally.

“One of our core values at the Inspectorate of Government is that there should be equality between the men and the women. So when we are handling all our complainants, we do not discriminate whether you are male or female. So I believe women have the same access as the gentlemen,” she said.

When asked whether corruption is more prevalent among men or women, Batala said corruption should not be viewed along gender lines, although she jokingly suggested that women may increasingly be involved in corruption.

“I do not know how to answer that one. But corruption is corruption. It depends on the way someone perceives life. So I do not think there is one who is more corrupt than the other. Actually these days I believe women have become more corrupt than men,” she said.

Batala also confirmed that the Inspectorate is currently investigating the National Drug Authority (NDA) over alleged irregularities.

She explained that the investigation had already been ongoing before a recent controversy reported in the media.

“Before that issue you saw in the papers last week came up, we were already doing an investigation in the NDA. There is another investigation that was ongoing and then this one came up,” Batala said.

The IGG further revealed that the Inspectorate recently issued directives halting the inauguration of the NDA board chairperson pending investigations.

“Last week we issued directives to stop the inauguration of the board chairperson and we believe it did not happen unless there is information to the contrary. But by and large we are doing an investigation in the NDA institution,” she added.

Meanwhile, officials at the Inspectorate say the institution continues to face staffing challenges, particularly in specialized fields required to investigate complex corruption cases.

The Permanent Secretary at the Inspectorate explained that many investigations require experts such as engineers, surveyors and forensic auditors who are currently not part of the Inspectorate’s staffing structure.

“The Inspectorate deals with a number of cases that may need special skills because the cases that are investigated may involve having an engineer, a surveyor or a forensic auditor and those skills are not available right now,” the official said.

She added that government has provided limited funds to support recruitment but the institution is also strengthening collaboration with other agencies to fill the gaps.

“This year government gave us a token in terms of salaries so as to be able to recruit the foot soldiers, the Inspectorate officers. But we are continuing these efforts especially as far as the specialized skills are concerned,” she said.

According to the Inspectorate, corruption cases in Uganda are becoming more complex, sophisticated and sometimes linked to cross-border networks.

“Corruption is increasingly becoming sophisticated and syndicated in certain circumstances linked to cross-border networks. In some cases it is also normalized,” Batala said.

She noted that limited funding and an ageing vehicle fleet continue to constrain investigations across the country.

“Inadequate funding and an aging motor vehicle fleet further constrains our ability to conduct timely investigations, prosecutions and verifications across the country,” she explained.

In a clear sign of progress in local governance, the Office of the Prime Minister has released the results of the 2024 Local Government Management of Service Delivery (LGMSD) Performance Assessment, covering 176 districts, municipalities, and cities across Uganda.

The assessment evaluates how well local governments deliver essential services in areas like infrastructure, education, health, water and sanitation, micro-scale irrigation, and production. It rewards efficient planning, budgeting, community involvement, and effective use of grants—key factors that directly impact everyday life for millions of Ugandans.

This year’s top performers demonstrate what strong leadership and smart resource management can achieve. Here are the top 10 overall districts and municipalities, based on their composite scores out of 100:

1. Kiruhura District – 95.25
Outstanding across the board, with near-perfect marks in water and sanitation (98.00), production services (97.50), and education (95.50).

2. Isingiro District – 94.72
A consistent high achiever, excelling in education (96.00) and micro-scale irrigation (96.00).

3. Ibanda District – 94.65
Strong showing in education (96.00) and water/sanitation (96.40).

4. Kabale District – 93.93
Balanced performance, particularly in health (94.50) and infrastructure.

5. Kamwenge District – 93.37
Top in health services (95.00), with solid infrastructure and irrigation scores.

6. Rukungiri Municipal Council – 92.38
A standout municipality, strong in education (94.00) and water/sanitation.

7. Bukedea District – 90.67
Led in infrastructure assets (96.00), showing effective use of development funds.

8. Rukungiri District – 88.68
Reliable across sectors, with good health and production results.

9. Kumi District – 86.55
Strong infrastructure (90.00) and education (90.00).

10. Kasese District – 85.92
Solid in water/sanitation (92.00) and production services.

These rankings highlight a pattern: Many top performers come from western Uganda, where focused leadership, community engagement, and wise use of performance-based grants have paid off. Districts like Kiruhura and Isingiro have consistently ranked high in recent years, proving that sustained effort leads to lasting improvements in schools, health centres, roads, and water access.

For ordinary citizens, these high scores mean better-functioning services—cleaner water, better-equipped schools, and more reliable health care. For policymakers, they offer clear models to replicate nationwide.

Watchdog Uganda commends these local governments for setting the standard. At the same time, we urge all districts to study these successes and adopt proven strategies like transparent budgeting, regular community feedback, and efficient grant spending.

The full 2024 LGMSD National Synthesis Report is available through the Office of the Prime Minister. As Uganda pushes toward its 2030 development goals, strong local performance remains essential. Congratulations to the top 10—keep leading the way.

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Members of the public should claim refund for their bail payments, the Secretary to the Judiciary, Pius Bigirimana, has told Members of Parliament (MPs).

The disclosure followed concerns raised by legislators sitting on the Public Accounts Committee (Central Government) that over Shs54 billion worth of bail money and security costs are lying in the Judiciary accounts.

Bigirimana, who appeared before PAC (Central) that was scrutinising the Auditor General’s Report for the 2024/2025 financial year on Wednesday, 04 March 2026, added that a committee has been set up to expedite the processes of claiming these monies.

MPs were concerned that many Ugandans are unaware of the procedures required to claim their bail deposits, especially those from remote areas who may find it costly to pursue the refunds.

Elgon County MP, Hon. Ignatius Wamakuyu Mudimi complained about bureaucratic requirements, saying that during his attempts to claim the money he was asked to present the original receipt, which he described as a deterrent.

Mudimi also said the costs involved in claiming bail often discourage people from following up.

“For people coming from remote constituencies, it does not make sense for one to use transport of Shs40,000 to claim the bail of Shs100,000,” said Mudimi, who revealed that he himself is claiming Shs3,000,000 in bail deposits.

The deputy chairperson of the committee, Hon. Gorreth Namugga, said the Judiciary had done little to actively reach out to the public regarding the possibility of reclaiming bail deposits.

Namugga further criticised the Judiciary for failing to utilise Shs13.89 billion allocated for recruitment of new staff and salary enhancements.

“You want 50 drivers but cannot recruit them, don’t you think that you are putting Judiciary staff at risk?” Namugga, also the Mawogola County South MP, asked.

She added that some of the positions such as records officers are not highly technical and should have been filled easily.

Kashongi County MP, Hon. Herbert Tayebwa, faulted the Judiciary for poor planning, arguing that requests for wage funds should be supported by clear recruitment plans before approval. “You must have had a recruitment plan before this money was approved. It means other agencies were denied an opportunity to recruit staff,” Tayebwa said.

Bigirimana reiterated that Shs24 billion out of the Shs54 billion represents bail deposits that are ready for disbursement but remain unclaimed because claimants have not initiated the process.

“We are sensitising the population and we are saying that if you come, we will give you your money. We are even considering publishing names of bail claimants in newspapers or putting announcements on radio saying, Hon. Basalirwa come and pick your money,” Bigirimana said.

Bigirimana explained that the remaining balance is in security for costs before a case or an appeal is heard by the court, which can only be released after court orders are issued, a process he noted often takes time.    

Party lovers in Kampala have a new Sunday experience to look forward to as Black Card Sundays makes its debut at Vanquish Bar, located at Acacia Mall (formerly Illusion).

The weekly event launches on March 8, promising a vibrant nightlife experience with free entry for revelers looking to unwind in style.

The night will be hosted by a star-studded lineup including Abryanz, Navity Miles, and Fik Music, setting the tone for an evening of music, energy, and high-end party vibes.

On the decks, partygoers can expect electrifying mixes from Selector Jay, Etania, and Young Mone, while the hype squad featuring Izzy Da Business and Top Boy MC will keep the crowd fully charged throughout the night.

With its new setting at Vanquish and a lineup blending fashion, music, and nightlife personalities, Black Card Sundays is positioning itself as Kampala’s latest must-attend Sunday party experience.

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In the aftermath of Uganda’s 2026 general elections, the race for Speaker of the 12th Parliament—set to convene in May—has captured national attention. As an observer of Ugandan politics, my view is clear: Incumbent Speaker Anita Annet Among is not just leading; she is poised for a decisive victory. This isn’t the product of mere luck or conspiracy, but a logical outcome of her proven track record, unyielding party loyalty, and adept political maneuvering in a system where stability trumps upheaval. While critics decry the process as undemocratic or tainted by patronage, the facts suggest her re-election would ensure parliamentary continuity at a time when Uganda needs efficient governance more than disruptive change. Let’s break this down logically, drawing on recent developments.

First, Among’s incumbency advantage is undeniable and well-earned through performance. Over her tenure in the 11th Parliament, she has been praised for fostering unity and boosting legislative output. Newly elected MPs, including from diverse regions, have endorsed her for being “down to earth” and bringing Parliament closer to the people. For instance, Brig Gen (Rtd) Emmanuel Rwashande, Lwemiyaga County MP-elect, highlighted her loyalty to President Museveni and effective leadership as key reasons for support. In a country where parliamentary sessions can devolve into factional bickering, her ability to unite the House has enabled smoother passage of government priorities, from infrastructure bills to social reforms. Critics might point to controversies, like allegations of tribalism or abuse of office, but these have not derailed her productivity. Objectively, continuity here outweighs the risks of installing an untested leader, especially with a fresh influx of MPs who benefit from her procedural expertise.

Second, her lead is cemented by the ruling National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) institutional backing, which dominates Parliament with its supermajority. The NRM’s Central Executive Committee (CEC) endorsed Among and Deputy Speaker Thomas Tayebwa in February, forwarding their names to the parliamentary caucus as preferred candidates. This endorsement, backed by President Yoweri Museveni himself, carries immense weight in a party-driven system where defying leadership invites disciplinary action. Party spokespeople like Ofwono Opondo have warned challengers of consequences, underscoring how NRM unity prioritizes collective goals over individual ambitions. Among’s recent election as NRM’s Second National Vice Chairperson (Female)—defeating rivals like Rebecca Kadaga—further bolsters her intra-party clout. In Uganda’s political reality, where the NRM has held power for decades, such endorsements aren’t anomalies; they’re mechanisms for efficiency. Dismissing them as “undemocratic” ignores the factual dominance of party structures in African multiparty systems.

Third, Among’s personal political capital gives her an edge that’s hard to match. She has actively mobilized support, reminding MPs of her role in their constituency campaigns and urging reciprocity. Her unopposed re-election as Bukedea District Woman MP signals strong grassroots backing, and she’s extended this to national networks, including video endorsements from Acholi MPs like Anthony Akol and Martin Mapenduzi. Even skeptics acknowledge her “financial magnanimity” and charisma as factors. While allegations of disbursing UGX 10 million per MP for endorsements have surfaced—purportedly from an Internal Security Organisation report—these remain unverified and could be opposition tactics to undermine her. Factually, no concrete evidence has emerged, and in politics, resource mobilization is often a reality, not a scandal. Her rivals, like Justice Minister Norbert Mao, Persis Namuganza, and Alioni Yorke Odria, face uphill battles: Mao’s reform agenda sounds noble but lacks broad NRM buy-in, Namuganza’s bid is mired in personal feuds stemming from her 2023 censure, and Odria’s dismissal of the CEC endorsement as a “rumour” hasn’t gained traction. As one MP noted, “no one in Uganda can defeat Rt. Hon. Anita Among in any elective position if the voters are MPs.”

That said, objectivity demands addressing the counterarguments. Some view the race as a proxy for Museveni’s control, suggesting it’s designed to “humble” Among and remind her of hierarchical limits. Others criticize her style as boastful, citing her claims that “leadership comes from God” and no “noise” will stop her re-election. These points highlight potential overreach, but they don’t negate her achievements. In a fledgling democracy like Uganda’s, where transitions can lead to instability, her lead represents pragmatic politics over idealistic disruption.

Ultimately, Anita Among’s frontrunner status is a testament to merit meeting opportunity in a system that rewards loyalty and results. Her victory would prioritize parliamentary efficiency, aiding Uganda’s development agenda amid economic pressures. If challengers want change, they must build broader coalitions, not just critiques. For now, the logic points to continuity—and that’s not a flaw; it’s foresight.

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Outspoken politician Mubaraka Munyagwa has issued a serious warning to popular YouTuber Isaac Katende, widely known as Kasuku, following President Yoweri Museveni’s Shs 5 billion pledge to content creators’ SACCO.

The funds, announced during the March 1st edition of the Jazz with Jajja sit-down, are intended to support digital content creators across Uganda. But according to Munyagwa, the money could come with unexpected pressure — especially for high-profile figures like Kasuku.

“That Money Could Taint His Brand”

Speaking about the pledge, Munyagwa cautioned that public perception could quickly turn against Kasuku if the funds are not handled transparently and wisely.

“If Kasuku is not careful, that money that was promised to them could taint his name, image, and brand. The challenge he faces is that the public feels like he got a lot of money, and every blogger believes that they have a share of it. And when the sharing time comes, that will be more trouble,” Munyagwa said.

The politician suggested that the expectations surrounding the Shs 5 billion could create tension within the blogging and content creation fraternity.

Focus on Journalism, Not Fund Drama

Munyagwa further advised Kasuku to remain focused on his journalism career and avoid getting caught up in potential controversies tied to the SACCO distribution process.

“When he gets to meet the head of state, he should ask for his own money besides the SACCO funding. If he is not keen, that stuff could finish him,” he added.

With public scrutiny already building around how the funds will be shared, Munyagwa’s warning highlights the delicate balance between opportunity and reputation in Uganda’s fast-growing digital media space.

For now, all eyes remain on how the Shs 5 billion pledge will be implemented — and who ultimately benefits.

BY NADIM KOTEICH

The missiles and drones didn’t aim at the sand in the United Arab Emirates.

Had it not been for a 100% interception rate on ballistic missiles and 93% on drones, the story this week would have been written in rubble.

When Iran’s dying regime dispatched 165 ballistic missiles, two cruise missiles, and 541 drones toward a single country in the days following the killing of Ali Khamenei, the distribution of fire told a story that pure military logic cannot explain. Nearly 65% of Iran’s total munitions expenditure in this campaign was absorbed by one target: the UAE.

This isn’t about Al Dhafra Air Base, proximity, or global economic blackmail. It isn’t only about punishing a signatory to the Abraham Accords. Those are real factors, but they are downstream of something more fundamental. Iran attacked the UAE because the UAE is the argument Tehran cannot win.

This small Arab Gulf country represents the most operationally successful refutation of political Islam’s central claim: that the path to dignity, power, and Arab identity runs through revolutionary resistance, divine mandate, and permanent conflict with the West.

Abu Dhabi didn’t just reject that narrative. It built a civilization-scale counterexample. Through the Abraham Accords, the UAE chose normalization with Israel — positioning itself as an Arab state that moved toward integration, not perpetual grievance. The result is the most connected, prosperous, and diplomatically agile state in the Arab world. That is an existential ideological threat to any regime whose legitimacy rests on the promise that resistance, not engagement, is the only honorable path.

Notice what Tehran targeted in its symbolic geography: not military outposts in the desert, but landmarks. The Burj Al Arab, an icon of Emirati ambition exported to every phone screen on earth. Jebel Ali, the commercial artery of a state serving a hinterland of three billion people and ten trillion dollars of economic output within a 3,500-kilometer radius, is the beating commercial heart of the global south.

International airports are the infrastructure of a model built on connectivity rather than exclusion. This was not strategic targeting. This was an attempt at iconoclasm.

The ideological war had already begun before the first missile was launched. Just weeks prior, a strategic influence campaign was branding Abu Dhabi as an “Israeli Trojan horse,” calling it a “betrayal of God, His Messenger, and the nation.” Iran’s drones and missiles and Gulf and Arab Islamist rhetoric were, however, unwittingly running the same operation: to delegitimize the UAE model, to prove that tolerance, moderation, and integration lead not to prosperity and protection, but to target acquisition.

It is telling that Muslim Brotherhood representatives across Sudan, Yemen, and even Oman rushed to declare solidarity with Iran against the American and Israeli strikes, while maintaining complete silence on Iranian missiles raining down on Arab capitals.

They did not fail to notice. They chose not to. The Brotherhood and Tehran were, as always, running the same operation, the same one that branded Abu Dhabi a traitor and Dubai a target. The missiles and the rhetoric share the same return address.

Tahran wanted to undermine the UAE model

Tehran wanted the UAE model, including the Abraham Accords, to become a liability. It wanted every future Arab leader contemplating engagement with Israel to see Emirati cities’ skyline burning and draw the obvious conclusion: don’t.

The deeper question this moment forces is not whether the UAE will survive, because it will, but whether the New Middle East it embodies will expand or retrench.

The Abraham Accords are already moving toward Syria, Lebanon, and Saudi Arabia.

Syria and Israel have already established a joint intelligence-sharing and military de-escalation cell under US supervision, the first structured security framework between two former enemies since 1974, and a direct architectural beam of the New Middle East that Iran is trying to demolish. Meanwhile, Lebanon’s President Joseph Aoun started discussions to join IMEC, the India-to-Europe trade corridor, a move that triggered immediate accusations of indirect normalization with Israel. Beirut, long paralyzed by Hezbollah’s veto over its future, is now choosing connectivity over resistance.

Saudi Arabia’s retreat from normalization is tactical, not terminal, as MBS is not rejecting the deal as much as he is pricing it. Riyadh doesn’t lack the strategic acumen to note that with Iran now degraded and the Axis of Resistance destroyed, the strategic cost of staying outside the New Middle East just rose dramatically. Many of the most serious and legitimate strategic burdens that made Riyadh’s caution genuinely reasonable have been buried alongside Khamenei.

Iran understood, correctly, that the normalization architecture represented a structural reordering of the region’s ideological market, one in which the “resistance” brand loses its monopoly on Arab and Muslim identity.

Every missile fired at Dubai is a confession. It is the admission that the regime that claimed to speak for the oppressed, the faithful, and the Arab and Islamic nations could not compete with what the UAE built, not in governance, not in economics, not in the imagination of the next generation across the Arab world.

So it reached for the one argument it had left: destruction.

A wounded animal still bites. But a wounded animal bites because it can no longer threaten. The Islamic Republic launched this campaign from a position of structural collapse. Its nuclear infrastructure degraded, its economy hollowed out, its supreme leader killed, its proxies scattered from Beirut to Damascus to Sanaa.

The ghosts of the old Middle East are departing, one funeral at a time.

The writer is a senior Emirati journalist and policy advisor.

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