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The National Planning Authority (NPA), the very brain meant to guide Uganda’s development, is now under intense scrutiny after the Auditor General’s December 2025 report exposed a troubling picture of weak coordination, delayed plans, underfunding and a planning system struggling to keep pace with a rapidly changing country.

At the centre of this unfolding storm is Executive Director Dr. Joseph Muvawala, a long-serving technocrat who has spent over ten years at the helm of the Authority. While his tenure has seen the formulation of national development frameworks and policy direction, the latest audit findings have ignited a fierce debate: has he outlived his usefulness?

“You cannot be the chief planner of a country for over a decade and still have these kinds of gaps,” a policy insider told Red Pepper for this article. “At some point, continuity becomes stagnation.”

The Auditor General’s findings read like a damning indictment of a system meant to drive Uganda’s transformation across agro-industrialisation, human capital development, natural resources, private sector growth and regional balance.

One of the most alarming revelations is the country’s weak integration of climate change considerations into planning frameworks. A review by NPA itself showed that only 38 percent of Public Investment Plans had integrated climate risks and mitigation measures, while just 35 percent of Programme Implementation Action Plans aligned with Uganda’s Nationally Determined Contributions.

“This is planning in denial,” an environmental expert said. “Climate change is not optional — it is central to development.”

Even more shocking, only 15 Ministries, Departments and Agencies have integrated environment and climate priorities into their plans for the 2024/2025 financial year.

“That means the majority of government is planning as if climate change does not exist,” the expert added.

At the local government level, the situation is equally dire.

Out of 176 Local Government Development Plans submitted to NPA for alignment with the Fourth National Development Plan, only 8 — a mere 4.5 percent — were fully approved. The rest remain stuck in a bureaucratic limbo of reviews, deferrals and resubmissions.

“This is a planning bottleneck of national proportions,” an insider revealed. “If plans are not approved, how do you implement development?”

The delays extend to Ministries and Agencies as well, with only 79 out of 176 MDA strategic plans approved, raising serious concerns about whether national budgets are even aligned to the country’s development priorities.

“Budgets are being passed before plans are approved,” a source noted. “That is putting the cart before the horse.”

The chaos is perhaps most visible in physical planning — a mandate recently expanded under the Physical Planning Amendment Act, 2024, giving NPA sweeping authority over how Uganda’s cities and districts grow.

But instead of order, the audit reveals confusion.

The much-anticipated Greater Kampala Metropolitan Plan — critical for managing the explosive growth of the capital — has not been finalised. Roles between NPA, the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, local governments and planners remain unclear, creating conflicting directives and uncertainty.

“It’s a free-for-all,” an urban planner lamented. “Everyone is in charge, which means no one is in charge.”

Across the country, physical planning structures are either weak or nonexistent. Only 18 out of 135 districts have physical development plans. Just 3 out of 11 cities, 17 out of 31 municipalities, 58 out of 580 town councils and 342 out of 2,148 sub-counties have functioning Physical Planning Committees.

Implementation of these plans is below 25 percent.

“This is how slums are born,” an analyst warned. “You cannot talk about organised urbanisation when planning structures don’t exist.”

The consequences are already visible — unplanned settlements, congestion, poor service delivery and environmental degradation.

Even dispute resolution is failing. Out of 42 physical planning appeals, only half have been resolved, with some cases dragging on since 2023.

“That is justice delayed and development stalled,” a legal expert observed.

Financially, the Authority is also struggling.

Its strategic plan was underfunded by a staggering 43 percent, with only UGX 248.26 billion realised out of the planned UGX 435.47 billion. As a result, key interventions were only partially implemented.

Yet despite these constraints, Parliament still appropriated UGX 83.96 billion for the Authority in the 2024/2025 financial year, all of which was warranted and largely utilised.

Out of 13 outputs assessed, 12 were fully implemented, but one major output worth UGX 11.84 billion was only partially delivered — raising questions about prioritisation and execution.

More worrying, performance reporting itself is unreliable. The Auditor General found that NPA’s assessments relied on incomplete, inconsistent or missing data, undermining the credibility of national development reporting.

“How do you measure progress with bad data?” a statistician asked. “You end up planning in the dark.”

Internally, the Authority is struggling to absorb its expanded mandate. After inheriting functions from the National Physical Planning Board, NPA created new positions but has only filled 32 out of 52, leaving critical gaps.

Guidelines for physical planning have been developed but not yet gazetted, while the National Spatial Data Infrastructure policy — essential for coordinated planning — remains unapproved.

“It’s like building a house without a foundation,” an insider said.

At the top, Executive Board Chairperson Prof. Pamela K. Mbabazi and Deputy Chairperson Eng. Ivan Lule now face growing pressure over oversight, as critics question whether the leadership has done enough to steer the Authority through its expanded responsibilities.

But insiders say the real focus remains on Muvawala.

“There is quiet frustration,” a source disclosed. “People feel the institution has plateaued.”

While supporters credit him for stabilising the Authority and guiding national development frameworks over the years, critics argue that the persistent gaps, delays and coordination failures signal the need for fresh leadership.

“Yes, he has experience,” a senior government official acknowledged. “But experience must translate into results. Right now, the system is struggling.”

As Uganda pushes forward with ambitious development goals under NDP IV, the effectiveness of its chief planning body is more critical than ever.

“You cannot transform a country with a weak planning engine,” an analyst concluded. “If the planners are not aligned, the nation cannot be aligned.”

The question now hangs heavily over NPA: stick with a seasoned hand who knows the system inside out, or bring in new energy to reboot a struggling institution?

For a country racing against time to organise its growth, the answer may determine whether Uganda’s development remains a plan on paper — or becomes a reality on the ground.

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Ever imagined nsenene as sauce? Yuck, right? Well, you cannot tell Etania nothing…as in tolina kyomugamba, because in her books, that meal slaps! Today we get personal and a little nosy with the life of the party herself; DJ Etania Mutoni. A random chat about…random stuff.

What is the most “Kampala thing” you have done this month?
Honestly? Eating a rolex with porridge.

If you could only eat one street snack for a week, are you picking a rolex, muchomo, or gonja?
Gonja for life, please. There is just something about properly fried gonja. You can eat it in the morning, afternoon, or late at night, and it still hits the same way.

People say dating in Kampala is not for the faint-hearted. Okikola otya dear?
Honestly, dating anywhere is not for the faint-hearted. Kampala just adds a little extra spice to the situation.

What is your most chaotic boda ride story?

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The National Oil Palm Project (NOPP), once hailed as a transformative agro-industrial lifeline for Uganda’s rural farmers, is now sinking under the weight of delays, underperformance and questionable management, after the Auditor General’s December 2025 report exposed deep cracks in one of government’s most ambitious agricultural ventures.

Implemented under the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries, the 10-year project backed by a USD 75.82 million loan and USD 1.21 million grant was designed to uplift smallholder farmers across Kalangala, Buvuma, Mayuge, Masaka and Mukono hubs through sustainable oil palm development. But what was meant to be a model of agro-industrialisation is now being described by insiders as “a slow-moving disaster.”

At the centre of the storm is Project Manager Connie Magomu Masaba, who has been steering the project from the ministry headquarters since 2012. Having spent years at the helm and seen the project through its formative phases, questions are now being asked in corridors of power: has she outlived her usefulness?

“She has been there long enough to know every problem,” a source at the ministry revealed to Red Pepper. “So if things are still going wrong at this scale, then who takes responsibility?”

The Auditor General’s findings are brutal.

Land acquisition and compensation — the backbone of the entire project — has been plagued by shocking delays. In Kachanga village, Buvuma, compensation valued in 2023 was only paid in 2025, a staggering 17 months later. In several other cases, affected persons are still waiting.

“This is how projects lose public trust,” an insider admitted. “People give up their land and then wait endlessly. It breeds anger and resistance.”

The delays are not just administrative inconveniences — they are costly. As land values continue to rise, the government risks paying even more for delayed compensation, further straining already stretched resources.

And even where land has been acquired, the story gets worse.

By the end of the 2024/2025 financial year, 4,371.84 hectares had been secured, but only 2,650.43 hectares — just 60.6 percent — had actually been planted. The rest lies idle, raising serious doubts about capacity and coordination.

“You pay for land, you hand it over, and then it just sits there?” a frustrated observer asked. “That is not inefficiency — that is waste.”

Even more troubling, 629 hectares of land expected to be handed over to Oil Palm Buvuma Limited (OPBL) had not been delivered, years after the original 2019/2020 target.

“This project is operating in slow motion,” a source said bluntly.

At the heart of the project’s economic engine — the crude palm oil processing mill — the situation is equally dire. Originally scheduled for completion in the 2024/2025 financial year, the mill has now been pushed to 2027, with the investor citing lack of viability while the plantation remains below 5,000 hectares.

The delay has real consequences for farmers.

Without a local processing facility, farmers in Buvuma are forced to transport fresh oil palm fruit all the way to Kalangala for processing — a costly and inefficient exercise that eats into their profits.

“How do you talk about improving livelihoods when farmers are spending more just to process their harvest?” a sector analyst questioned.

Procurement processes within the project are also painfully slow. Out of 26 procurements reviewed worth UGX 10.38 billion, more than half took an average of 15 months from initiation to contract signing, while some contracts had not even been signed.

“This is paralysis,” an insider said. “By the time you sign the contract, the need may have already changed.”

Financial management raises even more red flags.

Out of UGX 231.94 billion expected from the IFAD loan, grants and other funding, only UGX 137.48 billion — 59 percent — had been disbursed by mid-2025, leaving UGX 94.46 billion untouched. And even the funds that were disbursed were not fully utilised, with UGX 24.02 billion sitting idle.

“They cry about lack of funds, yet billions are just parked,” a source revealed.

From the IFAD funds alone, UGX 57.92 billion was available, but only UGX 40.62 billion was spent, leaving UGX 17.30 billion unused. Government contributions tell a similar story — out of UGX 6.05 billion provided, only UGX 1.96 billion was spent on project activities, while UGX 4.09 billion was diverted to other ministry operations.

“That is a betrayal of purpose,” an insider said angrily. “Money meant for farmers is being used elsewhere.”

Even loan recovery is raising eyebrows. Out of UGX 53.9 billion disbursed as principal, UGX 51.9 billion had been recovered — but without interest, in direct contradiction of requirements that 70 percent of interest earned should be returned to government.

The performance of the project over seven years is perhaps the most damning statistic of all.

Out of 49 planned activities, only seven have been fully implemented. A staggering 42 — representing 86 percent — remain incomplete.

“That is not underperformance,” a policy expert said. “That is systemic failure.”

At the technical level, officials like Alex Lwakuba, Commissioner Crop Production, and Charles Sembatya, Project Agronomist, are now under pressure to explain the slow pace of agronomic implementation, while researchers led by Dr. Gabriel Damulira at NARO continue to push for scientific backing in a project that appears to be lagging behind its own ambitions.

But insiders insist the real battle is at the top.

“There are quiet tensions,” a source revealed. “People are asking hard questions about leadership, direction, and accountability.”

With the project struggling to meet its targets and farmers losing patience, attention is inevitably turning to Masaba’s long stay in office.

“Yes, she has achievements,” a senior official conceded. “The project exists because of years of groundwork. But the environment has changed. The expectations are higher now.”

As Uganda pushes for agro-industrialisation and rural transformation, the stakes have never been higher. A project of this magnitude cannot afford to drift.

“Sometimes continuity becomes complacency,” an insider remarked. “And when that happens, fresh thinking becomes necessary.”

For now, the National Oil Palm Project stands at a crossroads — weighed down by delays, underutilised resources and missed opportunities. Whether it can recover may depend on one critical decision: stick with the old guard, or bring in new leadership to salvage what remains of a once-promising vision.

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The National Identification and Registration Authority (NIRA), the very institution entrusted with defining the identity of every Ugandan, is now itself facing an identity crisis after a bombshell Auditor General’s report exposed a trail of inefficiencies, delays, system failures and internal chaos that have left millions of citizens stranded without national IDs.

At the centre of the storm is Executive Director Rosemary Kisembo, who took over on May 14, 2021, riding on her strong ICT background from UNRA and replacing Judy Obitra Gama, whose exit followed a string of failures that ultimately cost her job. Now, barely five years into her tenure, history appears to be knocking again — and the question on everyone’s lips is chillingly familiar: will she survive the axe, or is it déjà vu all over again?

Kisembo contract expires in May this year.

“She came in as the technocrat to fix things,” an insider whispered to Red Pepper. “But now the system is exposing her. The pressure is unbearable.”

The Auditor General’s findings are nothing short of devastating.

Despite handling one of the most critical national functions, NIRA is drowning in domestic arrears amounting to UGX 6.075 billion — an increase from UGX 6.025 billion the previous year. While the increment may appear small, insiders say it reflects a deeper problem of financial strain and poor planning.

But the real crisis is in staffing.

Out of an approved structure of 571 positions, only 422 are filled, leaving a gaping 26 percent vacancy rate. Critical departments are operating on life support — Internal Audit is short by 67 percent, Communication and Public Relations is equally understaffed by 67 percent, ICT is missing nearly half its workforce, while Civil Registration Services and Legal Affairs are severely depleted.

“How do you run a national identity system without people?” a frustrated insider asked. “This is not just a gap — it’s a collapse.”

Shockingly, NIRA does not even have a permanent head office. The authority is operating from temporary premises at Kololo Independence Grounds, a situation critics say undermines both efficiency and public confidence. Worse still, there is no front desk or customer care officer at the headquarters to guide the thousands of Ugandans who show up daily in search of services.

“You go there and it’s confusion,” one citizen complained. “No direction, no help, just queues and frustration.”

Inside procurement, the cracks are just as glaring. The entity failed to indicate procurements reserved for registered associations, meaning no contracts were awarded to them as required by guidelines. The Procurement and Disposal Unit itself is understaffed, underfunded, and undertrained — operating with only two out of three required staff and conducting just one training out of four planned.

“This is a system limping from one mistake to another,” a source revealed.

Asset management is equally chaotic. While NIRA has a transport policy, it lacks any framework for managing other critical assets like ICT equipment and furniture. There are no maintenance logs, no tracking systems, and no clear accountability.

“It’s like running a digital authority with analogue thinking,” an analyst scoffed.

The strategic direction of the institution is also in disarray.

A funding shortfall of UGX 69.72 billion — about 9 percent of the planned UGX 751.9 billion — has crippled implementation, leaving key interventions either partially done or not done at all. Even more embarrassing, NIRA failed to finalize its new strategic plan aligned to national priorities by the July 2025 deadline, effectively operating without a clear roadmap.

Performance is equally underwhelming. The National Planning Authority rated NIRA’s budget compliance at just 63.2 percent, while performance indicators used to measure success were described as vague, generic, and in some cases completely inappropriate.

“It’s like they are measuring shadows,” a policy expert remarked.

But it is in service delivery where the full scale of the crisis explodes into view.

The mass enrolment and ID renewal exercise — one of NIRA’s flagship projects under Kisembo — is struggling under the weight of funding gaps, staffing shortages, and operational inefficiencies. Out of UGX 666.85 billion budgeted over three years, only UGX 410.05 billion was received, leaving a massive shortfall of UGX 256.8 billion.

Even the funds that were available were not fully utilised, with UGX 15.24 billion left unspent in the 2024/2025 financial year.

“They don’t have enough money, and the little they have, they don’t use properly,” an insider said bluntly.

The human resource crisis has crippled operations further. Out of 13,787 temporary staff planned for the mass enrolment exercise, only 9,809 were deployed — a shortfall of nearly 4,000 workers that has slowed the entire process.

The result? A national nightmare.

As of October 2025, over 11.5 million Ugandans had applied for ID renewals, but only 45 percent had been cleared for printing. For first-time applicants, the situation is even worse — a shocking 0.2 percent had been approved for printing.

“That is basically zero,” an analyst noted. “It means the system is not working.”

Even among those approved, only 41 percent of ID cards had actually been printed, leaving a massive backlog. And in what may be the most alarming revelation of all, out of 4.3 million new applications for National Identification Numbers (NINs), not a single one had been allocated.

Let that sink in — millions applied, and none received.

By late October 2025, a staggering 17 million applicants were still waiting for their national IDs.

“This is not just delay,” a source said. “It is a complete system failure.”

The cracks extend into other core functions. Marriage registration systems are plagued by ICT gaps and weak data security. Birth and death registration processes are riddled with delays. The National Security Information System (NSIS), the backbone of NIRA’s operations, cannot even register births and deaths, is not integrated with third-party systems, and suffers from data migration delays and incomplete modules.

“There is nothing ‘national’ about a system that cannot talk to itself,” an ICT expert observed.

To make matters worse, NIRA has no business continuity site — meaning in the event of a disaster, the entire identity system could collapse.

“This is a national security risk,” a senior official warned.

As if that is not enough, inconsistencies in data records, weaknesses in issuing death certificates, and delays across all civil registration services paint a picture of an institution struggling to fulfil its core mandate.

Oversight has also come into question. Out of eleven recommendations from Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee, only two were fully implemented, with the rest either partially addressed or completely ignored.

At the top, Board Chairman Joseph N. Biribonwa now faces mounting pressure over governance, while insiders describe a toxic environment of internal fights, leaks, and backdoor lobbying.

“There is a war going on,” a source revealed. “People are feeding information to State House, trying to influence what happens next.”

And what happens next could define not just careers, but the future of Uganda’s identity system.

Sources say Kisembo is fighting hard to secure a second term, reportedly focusing more on lobbying than fixing the deep-rooted issues exposed in the audit.

“It’s squeaky bum time,” an insider said bluntly. “Every move now is about survival.”

The shadow of her predecessor looms large. Judy Obitra Gama also fought to retain her position — and lost.

Now, as President Yoweri Museveni weighs his options, the parallels are impossible to ignore. Kisembo’s contract expires in May this year.

“Yes, she has achievements,” a senior observer admitted. “The ID renewal process did start. Systems were introduced. But leadership is judged on outcomes — and right now, the outcomes are deeply troubling.”

The question now is brutally simple: has Rosemary Kisembo done enough to earn another five years, or is NIRA in desperate need of a fresh start?

For millions of Ugandans still waiting for their identity cards, the answer cannot come soon enough.

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The National Housing Construction Company Limited (NHCCL), a key pillar in Uganda’s push for modern housing and sustainable urbanisation, is now staring at a deepening crisis after the Auditor General’s December 2025 report laid bare a trail of financial missteps, stalled projects, and internal intrigue that threatens to derail its mandate.

At the centre of the storm is Chief Executive Officer Eng. Kenneth Kaijuka, who has been at the helm since 2019. While his tenure has delivered notable projects and kept the company visible in Uganda’s competitive real estate space, the latest audit paints a troubling picture that raises one unavoidable question: has he outlived his usefulness?

“Six years is a long time in a system like this,” a senior insider confided in Red Pepper. “You either evolve and fix problems, or the problems consume you. Right now, it looks like the latter.”

The numbers emerging from the audit are nothing short of explosive.

In just one financial year, NHCCL’s receivables ballooned by a staggering UGX 31.38 billion, jumping from UGX 20.29 billion in FY 2023/24 to UGX 51.67 billion in 2024/2025 — a shocking 155 percent increase. This mountain of unpaid money is now choking the company’s ability to invest and operate effectively.

“This is money that should be working for the company,” an analyst observed. “Instead, it’s stuck out there, and nobody seems to have a clear recovery strategy.”

Even more alarming, the company has no policy on provisioning for bad debts, despite sitting on receivables worth UGX 51.67 billion, some of which have been outstanding for years. Insiders say this is a ticking time bomb that could explode into massive write-offs.

“It’s financial blindness,” a source snapped. “You don’t just accumulate billions and pretend it will sort itself out.”

The Auditor General also uncovered shocking irregularities in asset management. The company’s computer assets are being reported at zero value, despite still being in active use, with no revaluation undertaken. At the same time, plant and machinery registers reveal worn-out and non-functional equipment still listed in financial statements without being tested for impairment.

“This is accounting chaos,” an insider said. “It distorts the true value of the company and raises serious integrity questions.”

But perhaps the most visible sign of trouble lies in NHCCL’s flagship housing projects.

A UGX 29.83 billion Design, Finance and Build framework signed to deliver 127 condominium apartments is now crawling at just 24 percent completion and is already one year behind schedule. For a country grappling with a massive housing deficit, such delays are more than just numbers — they represent broken promises.

“These are not just buildings,” a housing sector watcher noted. “They are supposed to be solutions to a national crisis. Every delay pushes more Ugandans into slums and informal settlements.”

The stalled progress casts a shadow over ongoing projects such as Naalya Pride Apartments, which include 1, 2, 3 and 4-bedroom units and penthouses, as well as Jasmine Apartments, targeting the high-end segment with 3 and 4-bedroom units. Questions are now swirling about whether NHCCL can deliver on time and at the expected standards.

At the governance level, Board Chairman Hon. Sylvester Wanjuzi Wasieba now faces mounting pressure over oversight failures, with critics arguing that the board has not done enough to rein in operational inefficiencies and enforce accountability.

Behind the polished corporate image, however, sources describe an organisation at war with itself.

“There is a serious internal power struggle,” a source revealed to Red Pepper. “People are positioning for the top job, and it is affecting decision-making.”

At the heart of this internal storm is Eng. Ambrose Musinguzi, who is reportedly among those quietly but actively hoping for Eng. Kaijuka’s contract to wind down. Insiders say factions have emerged within the company, each pushing its own interests as the CEO’s tenure approaches its evenings.

“It’s no longer just about housing,” the source added. “It’s about control.”

NHCCL’s unique ownership structure adds another layer of complexity. The Ugandan government holds a 51 percent stake, while the Libyan government controls 49 percent, a share acquired through a debt-swap agreement that saw Libya cancel 88 million dollars in interest and penalties from Uganda’s total debt of 184 million dollars. This delicate balance means that any instability at the top could have far-reaching implications beyond Uganda’s borders.

All this is unfolding at a time when Uganda’s housing crisis is reaching boiling point.

With a population estimated at 47 million and growing at 3.4 percent annually, the country faces a housing deficit of 2.4 million units, a gap that expands by 210,000 units every year. Urban centres like Kampala are bursting at the seams, with nearly half of the population living in informal settlements marked by poor sanitation and unsafe structures.

“This is an emergency,” a policy expert warned. “And NHCCL is supposed to be part of the solution, not part of the problem.”

Recent government reforms, including new laws signed in February 2026 to tighten construction standards, expand mortgage financing, and professionalise property valuation, were meant to stabilise the sector. But without strong institutions to implement them, critics say these laws risk remaining on paper.

“The laws are there, but who is executing?” the expert asked pointedly.

As pressure builds, the question hanging over NHCCL is becoming louder and harder to ignore: is it time for new leadership?

Supporters of Eng. Kaijuka point to his experience and the projects delivered under his watch, arguing that continuity is key in a complex sector like housing. But critics counter that the mounting audit queries, financial risks, and internal divisions signal a leadership fatigue that can no longer be ignored.

“Sometimes fresh energy is what an institution needs,” an insider concluded. “Because right now, the cracks are showing — and they are getting wider.”

For now, NHCCL stands at a crossroads — caught between its promise to transform Uganda’s housing landscape and the harsh realities exposed by the Auditor General. Whether it can recover or sinks deeper into crisis may well depend on what happens next at the very top.

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If getting into Makerere University’s Bachelor of Laws programme is on your list for the 2026/2027 academic year, your first hurdle has a date: Saturday, April 18, 2026, from 9:00 a.m. to 12:00 noon.
The Academic Registrar has officially announced the Pre-Entry Examination for admission to the Bachelor of Laws — and every single applicant, regardless of their academic background, must sit and pass it. There are no exemptions.
Here is everything you need to know.

There are four categories of applicants, each with their own entry requirements.
A-Level Leavers must hold a UCE certificate with at least five passes, plus a UACE certificate with a minimum of 13 points for males and 12 points for females, in any A-Level combination — whether humanities or sciences. If you sat A-Level before 2013, the requirement is higher: 15 points for males and 14 for females.

Diploma Holders must have at least a Second Class or Credit Diploma from a recognised institution. Importantly, certified copies of your diploma transcripts — not provisional results — must be attached to your application. Provisional results will not be accepted.
Mature Age Applicants must have passed the Makerere University Mature Age Entry Examination for Bachelor of Laws, specifically the sittings held on December 14, 2024 or December 13, 2025.
Degree Holders must be graduates in any discipline from a chartered university. Like diploma holders, certified copies of degree transcripts are required — no provisional results. Note that degree holders are not eligible for government sponsorship.

Several critical deadlines have already passed or are approaching fast. Diploma holders interested in government sponsorship must have applied by March 13, 2026. Degree and diploma holders seeking private sponsorship — for both the day programme (LAW) and afternoon programme (LAA) — must also have applied by March 13, 2026.
For A-Level direct entry applicants interested in private sponsorship, applications open when Makerere’s general admissions advert comes out in April 2026 — so watch that space closely.

What To Bring And What To Prepare
When registering, every applicant must upload scanned PDF copies of their original academic documents, a valid identification document — A-level applicants can use their former school ID, while all others need a valid current ID — and a recent colour passport photograph with a white background.

Your active email address and mobile phone number are mandatory. These will be the primary channels through which Makerere will reach you after submission. Do not list someone else’s contact details, even if they helped you apply.
On the day of the exam, report to the Examination Coordination Venue at LLT 1A, COCIS Block B. Applicants with visual impairment should come with laptops installed with a computer Braille programme and will be directed to their allocated venue from there.

What Will Get Your Results Cancelled Immediately
Makerere is not taking shortcuts lightly this year. The university has spelled out clearly that impersonation, falsification of documents, fraudulent access, or submitting false or incomplete information — whether discovered on exam day, at registration, or at any point afterwards — will result in automatic cancellation of results, cancellation of admission, revocation of any award already given, and prosecution in a court of law.
Smart gadgets are also strictly prohibited in the examination venue. This includes mobile phones, scientific calculators, and smart watches. If you are found with any smart gadget during the exam, your results will be cancelled on the spot — no exceptions.

Admission to Makerere’s Bachelor of Laws is based entirely on your performance in the pre-entry examination. With specific intake capacities set for each category — private day, private afternoon, A-level, diploma, mature age, degree, and international applicants — competition will be stiff.
The full details of available slots per category are on the Makerere University website. Check them, know where you stand, and prepare accordingly.
The exam is April 18. The clock is ticking.