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Uganda international Faruku Miya is set to return to Vipers SC, a decade after leaving the Kitende-based club for a career in Europe.

Miya, who can play as a midfielder or attacker, joined Belgian top-flight side Standard Liège in 2016 in a deal reportedly worth $500,000. The transfer fee was used to help fund the renovation of St Mary’s Stadium in Kitende.

The 28-year-old has since played for several clubs across Europe, including Mouscron in Belgium, FK Sabail in Azerbaijan, HNK Gorica in Croatia, Konyaspor and Çaykur Rizespor in Turkey, and PFC Lviv in Ukraine.

His return marks a homecoming for a player who played a key role in Vipers’ success before leaving the club. During the 2014/15 season, Miya scored 20 goals in 49 appearances as Vipers won the Uganda Premier League title.

At international level, Miya has made 79 appearances for the Uganda Cranes and scored 23 goals.

Miya has been training with Vipers for the past two weeks and has reportedly impressed new head coach Dennis Lavagne.

He is expected to be part of the squad as Vipers prepare for the 2026/27 season.

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Irene Namatovu has returned to Uganda after traveling to the UK for her daughter Patra’s graduation from Aston University in Birmingham.

The singer had been away to witness the milestone before returning home, where her husband, Geoffrey Lutaaya, welcomed her at the airport.

Lutaaya also gave fans an update on Irene’s Strong Woman Concert, saying ticket sales are progressing well ahead of the event.

He encouraged fans to purchase their tickets early, adding that early buyers will stand a chance to win prizes.

Irene’s Strong Woman Concert will take place on August 21, 2026, at the Kampala Serena Hotel.

Shakira has reached another major career milestone after surpassing 100 million followers on Instagram.

The Colombian superstar crossed the mark before her performance at the 2026 FIFA World Cup final halftime show, becoming one of the few celebrities to reach the milestone on the platform.

Shakira has built a global fan base over a career spanning more than three decades, releasing hits such as “Whenever, Wherever,” “Hips Don’t Lie” and “Waka Waka (This Time for Africa).”

The latest milestone highlights her continued popularity both in music and on social media, where she regularly shares updates with fans around the world.

Shakira gave fans at New York’s Barclays Center an unforgettable surprise when she invited Tyla to join her on stage during her sold-out concert.

The two global hitmakers performed Shakira’s classic anthem, Hips Don’t Lie, as part of her Las Mujeres Ya No Lloran World Tour, drawing loud cheers from the crowd.

Shakira welcomed Tyla midway through the show, and the pair lit up the stage with energetic choreography and confident performances that quickly became one of the night’s biggest highlights.

Concertgoers captured the surprise collaboration on their phones, and videos spread rapidly across social media within hours.

Many fans praised the pairing of the Colombian superstar and the Grammy-winning South African singer, with some expressing hope that the two will record music together in the future.

The appearance adds another major moment to Tyla’s fast-rising international career as she continues to perform alongside some of the biggest names in global music.

Neither artist has announced plans for an official collaboration.

Age has become one of the biggest talking points surrounding Sherry Matovu‘s marriage, but the singer says the discussion misses what truly determines whether a relationship lasts.

Sherry married Abdul Salam, also known as Absalm, in an Islamic Nikkah ceremony at Kibuli Mosque on May 14, 2026.

While many fans celebrated the couple, others questioned the apparent age difference between the newlyweds, reviving a familiar debate about women who marry younger men.

Rather than respond to the speculation directly, the singer used an interview on Sanyuka TV‘s Bigenda Bitya to explain why she has never considered age a deciding factor in choosing a husband.

For her, relationships thrive when partners help each other grow, support one another, and build a peaceful home together. Everything else comes second.

In this life, I do not look at age. Age is just a number. What matters is the value someone adds to your life. As Pastor Rwomushana says, “What does someone add to you?

She believes too many people expect older partners to guarantee stability, only to discover that age alone cannot create a successful marriage.

You can marry an older man, but if he is not adding value to your life, you will regret the day you met him.

The conversation also gave Sherry a chance to defend younger men against stereotypes she considers outdated.

She said many have embraced hard work, ambition, and responsibility, yet people continue to judge them based on appearances.

People often assume that a young man who goes to the gym, takes care of his skin, or enjoys a good lifestyle only wants to take advantage of someone, but that is not true. Young men have changed. They are hardworking, ambitious, and focused on their dreams.

Sherry closed by encouraging people to trust their own judgment instead of allowing relatives, friends, or society to choose their partners for them.

In the end, she said, the people in the relationship are the ones who must live with the decision.

People should choose partners who bring them peace and add value to their lives. Do not choose someone simply because your family, friends, or society expect you to. At the end of the day, you are the one who will live in that home, not them.

Age is just a number. I don’t focus on age, I focus on the value a person adds to my life.- Sherry Matovu #SanyukaBigendaBitya #SanyukaUpdates #FfeBannoDdala pic.twitter.com/IGNOIxIUth

— Sanyuka TV (@sanyukatv) July 21, 2026

 

When I published my earlier article questioning the rising tide of illegal fees in government schools, I expected debate. What I did not expect was the sheer volume of administrators rushing out to defend the practice with a confidence that bordered on entitlement. The article was widely read, shared across communities, and discussed in staff rooms and WhatsApp groups. And as the dust settled, a chorus of school administrators emerged, insisting that the fees they charge are justified, necessary, and even agreed upon by parents. Some went as far as lecturing me on the legality of parents and school administrations deciding on fees to “support their schools.” Others argued that government capitation grants are too small, forcing them to find alternatives. It is precisely these responses — loud, defensive, and conveniently selective — that make this follow‑up necessary.

 

Because if the first article exposed the problem, the reactions exposed the mindset behind it.

 

Let us begin with the most repeated defence: that parents agree to pay. On the surface, this sounds democratic, even collaborative. But anyone who understands the dynamics of school‑community relations knows that “agreement” is often a polite word for coercion. Parents do not sit in these meetings as equals. They sit as people who fear that refusing a fee might lead to their children being targeted, humiliated, or denied access. They sit as people who know that the school holds power over their child’s future. So when administrators claim that parents “agreed,” one must ask: did they agree freely, or did they agree because they had no choice?

 

And even if we were to accept this argument at face value, it collapses the moment a learner is sent home for non‑payment. If parents and administrators truly agreed, why are children — who were not part of the agreement — the ones being punished? Why are learners chased out of class, embarrassed in front of peers, and denied their right to study? Agreement cannot be used as a shield when the consequences fall on innocent children. If the arrangement were truly consensual, no learner would ever be disrupted. Yet disruptions are now routine, almost expected. That alone exposes the hollowness of the “parents agreed” defence.

 

The second defence — that government pays too little — is equally misleading. Administrators argue that capitation grants are insufficient, that government support is minimal, and that without additional fees, schools cannot function. But this argument conveniently hides the full picture. Government does not only send money. It builds classrooms. It renovates old blocks. It supplies textbooks. It buys chalk. It funds maintenance. It provides materials that private schools must pay for entirely on their own. And yet private schools, which shoulder all these costs without government support, charge between shillings 500,000 and over a million per term. How then does a government school justify charging 300,000 to 400,000? How does a school receiving government support end up demanding fees that nearly match private institutions?

 

The truth is simple: the problem is not insufficient government support. The problem is that some administrators have discovered that parents, desperate for their children’s future, will pay anything if threatened with academic disruption. It is not necessity driving these fees — it is opportunity. It is not survival — it is greed.

 

One administrator who responded to my earlier article insisted that it is legally acceptable for parents and school administrations to decide on fees. But legality is not the only measure of justice. Common sense alone rules against any practice that punishes children for the financial struggles of their parents. Common sense rules against any arrangement that excludes the government — the very institution funding Universal Education — from decisions that affect its learners. Common sense rules against any system where a child’s right to education is held hostage by arbitrary payments.

 

And because these extortionate tendencies have been left unchecked for years, schools have now devised even more creative ways of milking parents dry. The most notorious of these is the rise of valueless education tours — trips that add no academic value yet are enforced with the same brutality as fees. These tours have become ropes tied around the necks of already overburdened parents, tightening with every new demand. A friend recently shared how her child had been repeatedly sent home for failing to clear payments for two tours scheduled for next term. The total cost of these tours exceeded the school fees she pays for an entire term. Imagine that: after struggling to pay fees in a government school, the administration still finds a way to squeeze more money out of her, threatening her child’s right to learn in the process.

 

This is not support. This is not community contribution. This is exploitation. And it is killing the Universal Education Vision of the President.

Universal Education was built on the belief that every child deserves uninterrupted learning. It was meant to remove barriers, not create new ones. It was meant to protect learners, not expose them to humiliation. It was meant to ensure that no child is denied education because of poverty. Yet today, government schools — the very institutions meant to uphold this vision — are the ones undermining it. Every time a child is chased from class, the vision suffers a wound. Every time a parent is forced to choose between feeding their family and paying for a meaningless tour, the promise of free education is betrayed.

 

The government has been clear from the beginning. If teachers and parents agree to share costs, then wisdom demands that they devise methods that do not disrupt learners. No child should be punished for the financial struggles of their parents. No child should be denied education because of decisions made without their involvement. And no school should operate like a private business while receiving government support.

 

This follow‑up is therefore not just a response to the administrators who defended illegal fees. It is a call to action. A reminder that Universal Education is not dead — but it is under attack. And the attackers are not external forces. They are internal actors who have turned public schools into profit centers. The country must confront this reality with honesty and courage. The future of Uganda’s children depends on it.

 

 

 

The Writer is the Deputy Resident City Commissioner for Nakawa.

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The fight against corruption in Uganda is changing, and it has shifted dramatically under President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. We are witnessing bold operations, including “Operation Maliza Ufisadi,” meaning “Operation End Corruption,” which was led by the Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who is also Senior Presidential Advisor (Special Operations). Alongside this, the current efforts by Hon. Balaam Barugahara and Justine Nameere are giving real hope to Ugandan taxpayers.

However, an unexpected issue continues to arise among citizens and supporters of these anticorruption crusaders: witchcraft. People keep asking whether these crusaders fear being bewitched or whether they worry about the occult practices allegedly used by some cornered civil servants. Many may wonder why I raise the issue of witchcraft at a time when local government officials are under intense pressure. Yet history and evidence suggest that witchcraft is often used during times of crisis as a desperate means of protection or problem solving when ordinary methods fail.

For example, Motsepe and Sikhosana, in their 2025 study, Jealousy, Witchcraft, and the Fragility of Success, argued that witchcraft remains highly relevant in governance and institutional dynamics. Likewise, Adolfsson, Banik, and Dulani (2024) revealed that witchcraft functions as a form of informal political technology used to covertly guard authority. This argument forms the basis of our position at the Karamoja Anticorruption Coalition (KACC) Department for Critical Thinking and Alternative Analysis. We must ask: Have our anticorruption crusaders finally stopped fearing witchcraft and instead chosen to fearlessly expose corruption in local government?

We ask this because Associate Professor Paul Isiko Alexander, in his 2019 research on witchcraft in Uganda, observed that Africans from all backgrounds, regardless of education, the rural and urban divide, gender, or status, including politicians, scientists, and pastors, still believe witchcraft is a real threat. Yet the bold manner in which the corrupt are currently being exposed suggests that the impossible is becoming possible.

Writing in Watchdog News on July 20, 2026, Dr. Opul Joseph stated that Local Government Minister Balaam Barugahara has exposed widespread inefficiencies across our districts. Opul described Balaam as the fearless lion of the universal anticorruption revolution that the NRM’s 40 year rule has long yearned for. I add my voice to this assessment. Balaam’s fearless approach demonstrates that confronting entrenched corruption in local government is possible, and it represents a turning point in Uganda’s anticorruption efforts.

Ayub Mukisa, PhD
Executive Director, Karamoja Anti-Corruption Coalition (KACC)
Email: [email protected]

 

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Marvel Studios has finally unveiled the first full trailer for Avengers: Doomsday, giving fans their biggest look yet at what promises to be one of the most ambitious superhero films in the Marvel Cinematic Universe.

The trailer arrives seven years after Avengers: Endgame and brings together heroes from across the MCU, the Fantastic Four and the X-Men universe as they prepare to face Doctor Doom, played by Robert Downey Jr. in his surprise return to Marvel.

Chris Hemsworth returns as Thor, while Anthony Mackie reprises his role as Captain America.

The trailer also features familiar faces including Ant-Man, Shang-Chi, Shuri, Namor, Bucky Barnes and members of the New Avengers, formerly known as the Thunderbolts.

Marvel also gives fans the crossover they have waited years to see by bringing the X-Men into the same story as the Avengers.

Patrick Stewart returns as Professor X alongside Ian McKellen’s Magneto, James Marsden’s Cyclops, Rebecca Romijn’s Mystique, Alan Cumming’s Nightcrawler and Kelsey Grammer’s Beast.

The Fantastic Four also join the action, with Pedro Pascal as Reed Richards, Vanessa Kirby as Sue Storm, Joseph Quinn as Johnny Storm and Ebon Moss-Bachrach as Ben Grimm. Their arrival marks the team’s first major crossover with Earth’s Mightiest Heroes in the MCU.

At the centre of the conflict stands Doctor Doom, who appears to unite the film’s many storylines into a multiverse-spanning battle.

The trailer positions the iconic Marvel villain as the franchise’s next major antagonist following the conclusion of the Infinity Saga.

Marvel has scheduled Avengers: Doomsday to open in cinemas on December 18, 2026.

With heroes from multiple Marvel franchises finally sharing the screen, the film is already shaping up to be one of the studio’s biggest crossover events to date.

KAMPALA, UGANDA — Uganda’s decentralisation policy has, for decades, been regarded as one of the country’s most significant governance reforms, bringing decision-making and public service delivery closer to the people. At the centre of many conversations on this transformative agenda is Mr. Ben Kumumanya, the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Local Government, whose extensive knowledge of the country’s local governance system has earned him admiration among practitioners, elected leaders and administrators.

Many in the local government sector describe Kumumanya as a “living encyclopedia” of Uganda’s decentralisation system, citing his deep understanding of the constitutional, legal and policy frameworks that underpin local governance. His expertise spans the constitutional foundations of decentralisation under the 1995 Constitution of the Republic of Uganda to the practical realities of managing districts, cities, municipalities, town councils and other grassroots administrative structures.

For Kumumanya, decentralisation is more than a governance model—it is a vehicle for strengthening democracy, improving accountability and enhancing service delivery by bringing government closer to citizens.

The Constitutional Foundation of Decentralisation

Uganda’s decentralisation system is anchored in Chapter Eleven of the 1995 Constitution, which establishes local government as a constitutional principle rather than merely a government policy.

Under Article 176, the Constitution provides that the district shall be the basic unit of local government, supported by lower local governments and administrative units established by Parliament. It also provides for the devolution of powers, responsibilities and functions from the Central Government to local governments in a coordinated manner.

The Constitution further promotes democratic governance, citizen participation, local planning, financial accountability and effective oversight of public service delivery—principles that continue to guide the Ministry of Local Government.

Championing Effective Local Governance

Over the years, Kumumanya has become one of the country’s most respected voices on decentralisation, frequently engaging political leaders, technical officers and local government practitioners on governance reforms and institutional development.

Colleagues and local government officials commend his ability to simplify complex governance issues and relate policy to the everyday realities faced by local governments.

His consistent message has been that the success of decentralisation should ultimately be measured by improved service delivery and better living conditions for citizens.

Practitioners Reflect on the Impact of Decentralisation

Local government officials say Uganda’s decentralised system has strengthened citizen participation and enabled local authorities to respond more effectively to community needs.

According to Mr. Moses Otimong, Town Clerk of Makindye Ssabagabo Municipality, decentralisation has significantly improved local planning and service delivery by placing decision-making closer to the people.

“Decentralisation brings services and decision-making closer to the people. Local leaders understand the needs of their communities better and are therefore able to respond more effectively,” Otimong said.

He noted that the system has enhanced coordination between political and technical leaders while providing municipalities with greater capacity to manage urban growth and deliver essential public services.

Similarly, Mr. Emmanuel Gakyaalo said decentralisation has strengthened the link between citizens and the Central Government by enabling local leaders to communicate community priorities more effectively.

“Local governments understand the realities on the ground and ensure that national programmes respond to the actual needs of the people,” Gakyaalo observed.

Uganda’s Expansive Local Government Structure

Uganda operates one of Africa’s most extensive local governance systems. According to the Ministry of Local Government, the country currently comprises:

• 135 districts
• 10 cities
• 31 municipalities
• 589 town councils
• 1,487 sub-counties
• 10,716 parishes
• 71,218 villages

This extensive administrative structure reflects the country’s commitment to bringing government services closer to citizens through local institutions responsible for education, healthcare, agriculture, infrastructure and community development.

Managing such a broad governance network requires continuous policy guidance, institutional strengthening and capacity building for local governments.

Supporting Urban Management and Trade Order

Beyond decentralisation, Kumumanya has also played a role in advancing discussions on urban governance and trade order as Uganda experiences rapid urbanisation.

With growing populations in cities and municipalities, local governments continue to address challenges such as congestion, informal trade, inadequate public spaces and urban planning. Through policy guidance and collaboration with local authorities, efforts are underway to balance economic livelihoods with orderly urban development.

A Career Dedicated to Public Service

Ben Kumumanya’s contribution to Uganda’s local government sector reflects decades of public service dedicated to strengthening institutions and improving governance at the grassroots.

Whether through mentoring local government leaders, supporting policy reforms or promoting effective service delivery, his work continues to shape the evolution of Uganda’s decentralisation agenda.

As Uganda pursues inclusive and sustainable development, local governments remain at the forefront of delivering services and empowering communities. For many practitioners in the sector, Ben Kumumanya remains one of the country’s foremost authorities on decentralisation—a public servant whose knowledge and experience continue to influence Uganda’s local government transformation.

Ultimately, decentralisation is not simply about transferring authority from the centre to local governments; it is about empowering communities, strengthening accountability and ensuring that public services reach every Ugandan.

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MASAKA CITY, UGANDA — The National Resistance Movement (NRM) Secretariat has stepped up grassroots mobilisation across the Greater Masaka sub-region ahead of the forthcoming Local Council I (LC I) elections, with party leaders urging flag bearers and supporters to strengthen village structures as the cornerstone of political organisation and community leadership.

The mobilisation meeting, held at Brovad Hotel in Masaka City, brought together senior NRM officials, government representatives, aspiring candidates and grassroots mobilisers from across the sub-region as the ruling party seeks to consolidate its support at the village level—the foundation of Uganda’s local governance system.

Among those in attendance were NRM Deputy Secretary General Rose Namayanja, Greater Masaka NRM Coordinator Mulindwa Birimumaaso, Masaka City Resident City Commissioner Ahmed Washaki, Ssembabule Resident District Commissioner Faizo Sseruwagi, Rakai Resident District Commissioner Sarah Kiyimba, Robert Assimwe, the NRM flag bearer for the Kimanya-Kabonera parliamentary seat, and Justine Nakiyingi, the party’s flag bearer for Mayor of Nyendo-Mukungwe Division.

For the NRM, the LC I elections are viewed as more than a contest for village leadership. Party officials describe them as the first point of contact between government and citizens, where public participation begins and development programmes are implemented at the grassroots.

‘Grassroots Structures Are the Backbone of the Party’

Addressing party leaders and LC I candidates, Masaka City NRM Chairperson Rogers Bulegeya described village leadership as the backbone of political mobilisation and community development.

“The strength of the National Resistance Movement begins at the grassroots. We are mobilising our members to participate actively in the LC I elections because strong village leadership is the foundation of a strong movement,” Bulegeya said.

He noted that LC I leaders serve as an important link between citizens and government by facilitating access to public information, supporting community development initiatives and promoting peace at the village level.

Bulegeya urged candidates to conduct peaceful campaigns and place service above political rivalry.

“Leadership begins with serving the people. We encourage all candidates to campaign peacefully and focus on improving the welfare of the communities they seek to lead,” he added.

Namayanja Calls for Unity and Resilience

NRM Deputy Secretary General Rose Namayanja commended party flag bearers for their resilience despite past political setbacks and urged them to remain focused on grassroots mobilisation.

Drawing on an African proverb, she encouraged members not to be discouraged by previous challenges.

“One fall does not stop the baby from singing.”

She said political success depends on unity, discipline, effective organisation and consistent engagement with communities.

Namayanja also highlighted what she described as the party’s progress across the Greater Masaka sub-region. She cited Masaka City and Bukomansimbi District as areas where the NRM had registered notable gains, while describing Lwengo and Kyotera as districts with strong party structures. She said Rakai District remained one of the party’s key support bases, while Kalungu District continued to require sustained mobilisation.

She further pointed to Kalangala District, where she said the party had expanded its support, and referenced President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s 71.65 per cent presidential election performance in the district as an indication of continued voter confidence.

Coordinator Urges Stronger Village Organisation

The NRM Coordinator for Greater Masaka, Mulindwa Birimumaaso, called on party leaders to strengthen coordination at village level, saying effective grassroots structures remain the foundation of a successful political organisation.

“Strong grassroots structures build a strong organisation. We must remain united, continue mobilising our members and ensure that our message reaches every village,” Birimumaaso said.

He encouraged candidates to conduct peaceful campaigns, uphold discipline and remain responsive to the concerns of local communities.

Rakai RDC Emphasises the Importance of LC I Leadership

Rakai Resident District Commissioner Sarah Kiyimba urged NRM candidates to work diligently to secure victory in their respective villages, describing LC I leadership as a critical link between communities and government programmes.

She encouraged candidates to maintain close engagement with residents and focus on addressing local challenges through effective leadership.

According to Kiyimba, strong village leadership strengthens accountability, promotes citizen participation and improves the delivery of public services.

Grassroots Support Builds Momentum

Grassroots leaders also pledged support for party candidates ahead of the elections.

Robert Ssali, the NRM Chairperson for Gayaza Village, said party members had rallied behind Emmanuel, the NRM flag bearer for LC I Chairperson of Nabowa Village, expressing confidence in his ability to provide effective local leadership.

“We encourage our people to support NRM candidates because they understand the party’s programmes and can work closely with government structures. The party has continued to strengthen grassroots mobilisation while promoting security and development within communities,” Ssali said.

He called for unity among party members and residents, saying cooperation remains essential for community development.

The Battle for the Village Vote

The forthcoming LC I elections are expected to attract candidates from the NRM, opposition political parties and independent groups.

As the first tier of Uganda’s local government system, LC I committees play an important role in community mobilisation, conflict resolution, citizen participation and connecting residents to government services.

With campaigns gathering momentum across the country, political parties are increasingly focusing on villages, recognising them as the starting point of political organisation and electoral mobilisation.

For the NRM Secretariat, the ongoing mobilisation campaign represents what party leaders describe as the “last mile of power”—the point where political structures meet ordinary citizens, where leadership is tested and where public trust is earned at the grassroots.

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